Sunday, 20 July 2014

What happened when UK Police found out about the systematic rape and exploitation of vulnerable children by MP's

Britain's criminal justice system abused by Ministers, judges and police to protect lords and parliamentarians who rape and murder children.  It is also used to seize documents on child abuse and threaten anyone who might want to  publish or blow the whistle on the rape of little children

Editor Don Hale was given a dossier naming VIP peadophiles by Barbara Castle MP. Following this he was  raided by Special Branch and threatened. The Police  brought with them a  Court Order from a corrupt Judge which made it legal  for them to seize the dossier and made it illegal for Don to  publish the  story about the child abuse.

 The Police did not seize the dossier and the Court did not  issue the search and seizure warrant  to protect National Security. They did not stop the Lords and MP's named in the dossier from sexually abusing children,  many who were seized from children's Homes. The Police and the Court  gave VIP paedophiles  the green light to continue the abuse and the Police, the CPS and the Courts protected these paedophiles  from prosecution for their horrific crimes and still do.   

So what happened when Special Branch stormed  into Don Hales home with the Court Order?

The knock on the door came early one day in the famously dry summer of 1984. It was just after 8 am, and Don Hale, the young editor of the Bury Messenger, was reading the daily papers at his desk as his reporters were beginning to arrive at the office.
As Hale, then 31, answered the door, a trio of plain-clothes detectives barged in, followed by a dozen police officers in uniform.
What happened next was, in Hale’s words, ‘like something out of totalitarian East Germany rather than Margaret Thatcher’s supposedly free Britain’.
The detectives identified themselves as Special Branch, the division of the police responsible for matters of national security.
‘They began to flash warrant cards and bark questions,’ says Hale. ‘It was as if they were interviewing a potential criminal rather than a law-abiding newspaper man.
‘The officers told me that I should abandon plans to print a story that was scheduled to run in our next edition. If I didn’t, they told me to expect a long jail sentence.’
Initially bewildered by their threatening tone, Hale soon worked out the purpose of the police visit.
The focus of their attention was an incendiary dossier he had been handed a few days earlier by long-serving Labour politician Barbara Castle. A powerful feminist and stalwart of the traditional Left, who served in Harold Wilson’s Cabinet, she was for years the MP for nearby Blackburn.
One of her lifelong interests, as a principled advocate for the vulnerable and powerless, was child protection. To that end, she had become concerned at the rising influence of the paedophile lobby, which was then infiltrating the political Establishment, developing links with senior public figures, including MPs, peers, civil servants and police officers.
Mrs Castle was particularly alarmed, Hale recalls, about the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE), which had become officially ‘affiliated’ with the influential National Council for Civil Liberties, run by future Labour frontbenchers Harriet Harman, Patricia Hewitt and Jack Dromey.

Journalist Don Hale, the young editor of the Bury Messenger in 1984,  was silenced by an official government order. Ms Castle had given him documents which included minutes of meetings held in Westminster in support of the paedophile agenda
Journalist Don Hale, the young editor of the Bury Messenger in 1984,  was silenced by an official government order. Ms Castle had given him documents which included minutes of meetings held in Westminster in support of the paedophile agenda

‘To her frustration, politicians seemed unwilling to discuss this important issue,’ says Hale. ‘So, being aware of my investigative work in the local media, she approached me and we agreed to a meeting.’
Over tea and a bun at a local cafe, Mrs Castle opened a battered briefcase and handed Hale a bundle of extraordinary documents. They included typewritten minutes of meetings that had been held at Westminster in support of the paedophile agenda, along with details of a host of Establishment figures who had apparently pledged support to their cause.
No fewer than 16 MPs were on that list, several of them household names. Also mentioned multiple times was Tory minister Sir Rhodes Boyson, a well-known enthusiast for corporal punishment, and Education Secretary Sir Keith Joseph.

‘I don’t suppose you’d be interested in writing a story on this,’ Mrs Castle asked in what Hale describes as a tone of weariness.
‘She perked up when I told her that yes, I would be interested,’ he says, ‘though I warned her that I would have to make inquiries with the authorities about some contents of the dossier.’
Accordingly, a few days later he put in a call to the Home Office.
‘I could detect the antagonism from officials as soon as they answered,’ he says. ‘The institution that should have been protecting vulnerable children seemed more interested in stopping the Press from prying too closely.’
It was the morning after Hale made his call to the Home Office that Special Branch officers turned up at the Bury Messenger.
Pushing him into a corner, they began barking orders.
‘Let me assure you that this story is not in the public interest,’ said a detective. ‘It cannot be printed, as a matter of national security.’
‘That can’t be right,’ Hale told him.
‘Look, we’re not here to argue,’ the detective responded. ‘Are you going to hand over your papers?’
‘No,’ Hale replied.
At this point, the officer produced a document, signed by a judge. It showed that his previous remark about not printing the story had not been a request, but an order. The document handed to Hale was a D-notice — a relic of wartime censorship that could be served on newspaper editors, allowing the Government to block any story that threatened national security.
‘If you don’t comply with this notice, we will arrest you for perverting the course of justice,’ the detective barked. ‘You will be liable for up to ten years in prison.’
At this point, Hale’s resistance collapsed. He had been plunged into a situation for which he had little experience.
In his first editorship and married with two children, he says he couldn’t afford to casually put his family and career at risk.
The papers from Mrs Castle were swiftly confiscated, as were Hale’s notes and even his typewriter.
‘When I asked the reason for this strange act of expropriation, I was told it was being taken in case of allegations of fraud,’ he says.
‘You might have typed these statements yourself,’ said a detective, referring to minutes of paedophile campaign meetings. As the police left, Hale was warned never to write about the raid or tell anyone what had happened.
If you don’t comply with this notice, we will arrest you for perverting the course of justice
Officer to Mr Hale during raid at his newspaper office 
‘One point I found interesting was that they all spoke with London accents,’ says Hale. ‘Not a single man was from Lancashire. It was obvious this was a Metropolitan Police raid, planned in the capital.
‘This was confirmed when, disobeying Special Branch’s instructions, I phoned Bury police about the incident. They knew nothing of it and were astonished.’
Rather less shocked was Barbara Castle. When Hale saw her a few days later, she told him: ‘I thought this might happen.’
‘I wish you’d told me,’ he replied. ‘I was totally unprepared. If I’d known, I might have been more discreet in my inquiries to the Home Office or been able to hide some of the papers.’ Mrs Castle apologised. ‘Well, this certainly shows the extent of the cover-up,’ she said. ‘We are fighting a formidable foe.’
Sadly, it wasn’t a foe that Barbara Castle would live to see defeated. Thanks to the D-notice, Hale never made further inquiries or made public the contents of the dossier. Castle went to her grave in 2002 with its contents still secret.
She wasn’t the only one. In a scandal that has gripped Westminster, we recently learned that a similar dossier was handed to then Home Secretary Leon Brittan in 1983 by the late Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens.
Lord Brittan says he passed on that dossier to civil servants and prosecutors. But its contents seem never to have been properly acted on.
Last week, the Home Office was forced to admit it is one of no fewer than 114 files relating to the paedophile lobby and PIE that are ‘missing’, presumed destroyed.
Amid growing public disquiet, two public inquiries will now attempt to establish what happened. The first, by NSPCC head Peter Wanless, will focus on how the Home Office handled recent allegations of child abuse in the early Eighties. It will report in nine weeks.
Another investigation into the handling of child-abuse allegations by a range of public institutions, including schools, care homes and the Church, will last much longer. It is seeking a chairman, following this week’s resignation of the initial appointee, Baroness Butler-Sloss.
Against this backdrop, Hale’s decision to reveal what happened in his office in 1984 carries huge significance, on a number of levels.
Take, for example, his revelation about the role of Special Branch in shutting down his coverage of Establishment links to paedophiles.
It comes just a week after Tim Hulbert, a former Home Office employee, revealed that in 1979 he had been told to wave through the renewal of a £30,000 grant for PIE.
Hulbert says his boss Clifford Hindley — a suspected paedophile — claimed ‘PIE was being funded at the request of Special Branch, who found it politically useful to keep an eye on paedophiles.’ If that isn’t coincidence enough, take also Hale’s revelation that two prominent Tories, Sir Rhodes Boyson and Sir Keith Joseph, were named in Castle’s dossier.
This week, a former Tory activist called Anthony Gilberthorpe told a Sunday newspaper that he had been asked to procure under-age boys for drink and drug-fuelled ‘sex parties’ at political party conferences in the early Eighties.
And who were the two most senior figures Gilberthorpe named as being present at the debauched events? None other than Sir Keith Joseph and Sir Rhodes Boyson.
While neither man is alive to defend themselves, and should, of course, be considered innocent until comprehensively proven guilty, this does, at the very least, appear uncanny.
A third extraordinary coincidence concerns an event that occurred a few days after Hale’s visit from Special Branch.
When he first read Mrs Castle’s dossier, he had noticed that some of those named as parliamentary supporters of the paedophile lobby were Liberals. With this in mind, he’d contacted Jeremy Thorpe, the former party leader who, despite his retirement from front-line politics, remained a national figure.
‘Over the phone, Thorpe told me he would send someone from the party to discuss the matter with me in person at my Bury office,’ says Hale. And who should appear soon after but Cyril Smith, the apparently genial MP for Rochdale.
We now know, thanks to heroic investigations by the present Rochdale MP Simon Danczuk, serialised by this newspaper, that Cyril Smith was a predatory paedophile who ruthlessly exploited his status to exploit vulnerable boys.
At the time, however, Hale was totally unaware of Smith’s sordid private life, and his name didn’t feature in Castle’s documents.
‘Perhaps my suspicions should have been raised by his dismissal of Barbara’s dossier when we met,’ he says. ‘It was all “poppycock”, Smith claimed, a result of Barbara “getting her knickers in a twist” because she was bored with her position as an MEP in Brussels.
‘Downplaying the whole business, Smith sought an assurance that I would not run any story about the dossier. When I refused, he left in a disappointed mood, and I continued my ill-fated investigation.’
We now know, of course, that Cyril Smith spent his life using friends within the Establishment to cover up paedophile activities.
And the organisation which, more than any other, presided over shoddy cover-ups on his behalf was, once again, Special Branch.
As Danczuk has revealed, a Lancashire police dossier on Smith containing credible allegations of abuse disappeared in the Seventies after being commandeered by Special Branch, who then demanded that local detectives stop investigating him.
Officers in Northamptonshire were instructed (via a phone call from shadowy officials in London) to release Smith from custody in the Eighties, after child porn was found in his car boot.
Meanwhile, policemen in London have revealed they were repeatedly told, by unnamed superiors (also believed to be Special Branch), to release the 23 stone MP after he was caught performing sex acts with young boys in public toilets in St James’s Park.
Don Hale, who is now 61, was in 2001 voted Journalist of the Year by What The Papers Say — an award normally reserved for reporters from the national media — for a brilliant campaign as editor of the Matlock Mercury in which he helped clear the name of a man who had wrongly been jailed for more than 20 years for a murder he did not commit.
He knows only too well how deep the tentacles of Smith and fellow paedophiles extended into the Establishment of the time.
A few years later, he was contacted by reporters from the News Of The World, who had somehow learned of Castle’s paedophile dossier and wanted to talk to him about it.
Soon after meeting them, Cyril Smith turned up unannounced in his office, claiming he ‘just happened to be in the area, ’ says Hale.
‘But the real reason was all too apparent: he had heard about the reappearance of the paedophile story and wanted to make sure that I would not pass on the information I had been given.’
In truth, however, there was no real chance of Castle’s dossier of information becoming public.
The News Of The World was also told to ‘spike’ (not publish) the story, for reasons of national security.
‘Their reporters were leant on just as heavily by Special Branch as I had been,’ says Hale, barely able to suppress his anger.
‘The Press is a key weapon in a just society to expose wrong-doing.
‘But this whole saga shows that, in the case of paedophilia in the Seventies and Eighties, the Establishment had a profoundly warped sense of morality, preferring cover-ups to crime fighting.’

Read more:

Also watch video of Dan Hale talking

Barbara Castle passed internal Home Office documents to a journalist in an extraordinary personal battle with civil servants, various supporters of the Paedophile Information Exchange and the MP for Rochdale.
She lost her fight with Cyril Smith early one morning in 1984 when twelve uniformed and three plain clothes police officers surrounded the offices of the Bury Messenger free newspaper.
Three men, identifying themselves as Special Branch, seized 30 pages of documents from a young newspaper editor under the false pretext that he was about to breach a government D-notice.
The deputy secretary of the present-day Defence, Press and Broadcasting Advisory Committee, Air Commodore David Adams, told reporter Garrick Alder in an email last week there is no archive record of a D-notice:
The only person who issues D Notice advice is the Secretary of the DA Notice Committee. We have, nevertheless, in connection with similar enquiries, searched the available archives for any D Notices that may have been issued during the period in question and have found none.
Despite having served as a cabinet minister, despite being a privy councillor and despite being a member of the European parliament, Barbara Castle was outgunned by the Liberal MP for Rochdale and his police contacts in London.
The young editor was Don Hale, a 31 year old former professional footballer for Bury ‘just keeping the seat warm’ at the Bury Messenger office very early in his career as an editor.
Now 61, with an OBE for his notable campaign as the editor of the Matlock Mercury, helping to overturn the unsafe conviction of Stephen Downing who had served 27 years of a life sentence for the murder of Wendy Sewell, Hale says he got to know Barbara Castle when he was a contributor at the BBC local radio station in Blackburn.
In 1979, after a record 34 years as MP for Blackburn, she handed over her safe Labour seat to her former political adviser Jack Straw.
As Margaret Thatcher was coming to power, Barbara Castle ran for election as a member of the European parliament, standing at the age of 69 in a ‘first past the post’ contest for Greater Manchester North.
John Hume MEP, Barbara Castle MEP and Ted Castle, former MEP, in Brussels.
John Hume MEP, Barbara Castle MEP and Ted Castle, a former MEP in Brussels.
The European constituency she won in 1979 included Rochdale, the home town and power base of her nemesis.
Cyril Smith had been Labour mayor of the town in 1966, owned a metal spring manufacturing firm and 1,300 concealed shares in the town’s leading manufacturer – the world’s largest asbestos producer – Turner & Newall.
SmithElection small
Smith switched parties to win Rochdale for the Liberals in 1972, holding the seat for five elections thereafter. In 1981 he wrote to Turner & Newall, asking them to draft his Commons speech against the forthcoming EEC public health restrictions on the import and production of asbestos. He declared: “The public at large are not at risk. It is necessary to say that time and time again.”
In 1982 he used parliamentary privilege to accuse Yorkshire Television of lying about asbestos in their celebrated documentary Alice – Fight For Life which featured Alice Jefferson, 47, suffering from malignant pleural mesothelioma 30 years after working for 9 months at the Cape asbestos mill in Hebden Bridge.
Don Hale, now living in North Wales, described how Barbara Castle took to dropping in at his newspaper office, a former bank in Silver Street, Bury.
Barbara Betts had worked her way from Love Lane Elementary School, via Bradford Girls Grammar School and St Hugh’s College, Oxford, to a seat on St Pancras Borough Council in 1937.
She had been a reporter on Tribune and the housing correspondent of the Daily Mirror in 1944.
Her lover, William Mellor, who died in 1942, when she was serving as an air raid warden in the London blitz, had been editor of Tribune and the top-selling Daily Herald.
Her late husband Ted Castle had been night editor of the Daily Mirror and editor of Picture Post.
Yet in 1984 here she was asking for help from the editor of the Bury Messenger free sheet.
Don Hale remembers:
She was feeling a little bit isolated in those days. I was a firebrand and a socialist. She would come on her own to see me but her assistant would phone first to make an appointment.
I had been asked to come in and sort things out at Eddy Shah’s Bury Messenger. He sold out later and after eighteen months the new owners eventually asked me to work in Derbyshire.
Barbara was quite angry one day and said, “I’ve been working on something – I don’t suppose you’d be able to help me. I don’t mind you bringing my name into it.”
She was objecting to the funding of the Paedophile Information Exchange and concerned about the speed of their infiltration among the civil servants and the number of prominent names apparently supporting them. She was horrified at the prospect of Parliament approving legalised sex with children, often under the guise of educating them, and mentioned an influx of rent boys and unsavoury and unfortunate situations that had been covered up by the authorities.
When I asked her to give me something more substantial she pulled about thirty A4 pages out of a battered briefcase absolutely chocker with stuff.
The pages included cuttings from the PIE magazine Magpie, documents from the PIE and the National Council for Civil Liberties and a list of the names of about sixteen MPs she thought were involved. There was also a list of about 30 prominent people in the North West and a list of speakers for PIE.
It was enough to make a splash for the paper. A lot of what she was claiming came from agenda for meetings at the Home Office. There were Home Office headings on the minutes of meetings and Home Office headings on lists of people present at meetings or reasons for the non-attendance of others. The name of Cyril Smith did not appear.
I agreed to run something the following week and set about contacting the Home Office and certain people mentioned. The names of Sir Keith Joseph MP and Dr Rhodes Boyson MP cropped up.
When I explained the detailed nature of the information and that I couldn’t reveal my source, you could almost hear a pin drop. The officials were unsure what to say or do. I was in the middle of it.
Quite a lot of Liberals were mentioned in the documents, so I spoke to their former leader, Jeremy Thorpe. That’s what prompted Cyril Smith to turn up in my office in Bury. Barbara had never made any allegations against him.
He was very angry. He tried to persuade me that it was all poppycock. He said Barbara had got her “knickers in a twist” since leaving the House and had become bored with wine lakes and sugar mountains in Europe. He played down the whole episode and wanted an assurance that I wouldn’t run anything. I wouldn’t give it.
After the visit from Cyril Smith came the visit from Special Branch. There was a knock on the door of the office at around 8:00 one morning. It was amazing. Three SB men with London accents came inside. Some of the uniformed men stayed outside. They all flashed warrant cards. They showed me two pieces of paper. One looked like a search warrant with a warning. They were a rough bunch.
One of them said, “I have a D-Notice here and a search warrant signed by a judge. This is in response to a call made to Leon Brittan’s department. That was how they put it. They didn’t say they came from the Home Office.
They pushed me into a corner and one of them said, “Let me assure you that this story is not in the public interest. It cannot be printed, as a matter of national security. We’re not here to argue, Are you going to hand over your papers?
“If you don’t comply with this notice, we will arrest you for perverting the course of justice. You will be liable for up to ten years in prison. We can arrest you straight away if we believe you are going to publish.”
They knew Barbara had been to see me. They knew Cyril Smith had been round. Most of the documents were together in one folder. So it didn’t take them long. They picked up my own typewriter saying: “We’re taking that in case you’ve been forging documents.”
There was nothing I could do to resist. I’d never seen a D-Notice in my career and I was on a very temporary contract keeping the seat warm for another editor.
My Bury police contact was utterly shocked. He knew nothing about it. A day or two later the local police told me: “It was a visit from the London mob. We were not briefed.”
When I told Barbara, she said, “I thought that might happen.”
I told her, “I wish you’d told me. I could have copied them.”
She said she had only a small band of supporters. She felt like a lone wolf. Her supporters in Parliament felt their seats were threatened. The presence of the PIE group had become accepted.
It was a hot potato thing. It had an effect on me years later. Facing the task of investigating the conviction of Stephen Downing for a murder he had not committed, I was determined not to let it happen again.
When the files on Stephen’s case were lost in transit by a courier taking them from the Home Office in London to the Criminal Cases Review Commission in Birmingham. I had copies ready for the CCRC.

You the  reader can stop this abuse of power and the rape and torture of innocent children.  Sign petitions, tell your friends and family. Wake up it could be your child next. These monsters could call at your door any day if you do not protest now against this abuse of the criminal justice system.  The Police lie, Judges and Barristers Lie, Politicians lie.  They protect evil paedophiles and target whistle-blowers and victims


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