Simon Danzuk MP has written an explosive book about Paedophile Cyril Smith which as a by product reveals the level of corruption in the Criminal Justice System.
The people who protect elite pedophiles like Cyril Smith and Jimmy Savile whilst running a very lucrative child porn and snuff video business are not stupid!
Highly intelligent, manipulative and consummate liars they are ensconced in key positions in Parliament, the civil service, the Police, the Crown Prosecution Service, the Legal Professions and the Courts. In their ranks are senior politicians, Queens Counsels, Judges, senior policeman. Knighted and favored for keeping a corrupt criminal justice system functioning they are demented, amoral and corrupt.
They use State run BBC media for their propaganda. In MSM they use journalist assets like David Rose and Bob Woffinden . Whilst in the alternative media they use bloggers like Anna Racoon aka Susan Nundy and Barrister Barbara Hewson. These evil people weave a fantasy of clever lies into a cloth to cover up the dirty deeds of VIP pedophiles and organized criminals. They protect the guilty and hound their innocent victims.
The late Liberal Democrat MP for Rochdale, Cyril Smith, abused boys Its has since been revealed that police knew, but couldn't investigate High ranking politicians stopped police from putting him behind bars One of his victims revealed how he was groomed by Smith aged 16 Smith brought him to the House of Commons and abused him in his office Victim says: 'The door was open, politicians walked past, but did nothing'
· Labour MP Simon Danczuk exposes in his book the industrial scale of Smith's debauchery and how the Establishment, Liberal Party, police chiefs and MI5 covered it up. Smith the 29-stone monster was saved from prosecution time after time...
After I named Cyril Smith as a child abuser in a speech to Parliament, I began to get calls from former police officers. ‘Don’t think we didn’t try to get him in the dock,’ one said to me straight away. ‘We knew he was guilty, and we did all we could to make him face charges.’
Smith cast a long shadow, even when dead, and some of these officers were still nervous about speaking out. Another caller told me: ‘I’ll lose my pension if I tell you what I know.’
All were united in one thing, though. They wanted to set the record straight.
Protected: Despite police knowing of his abuse of young boys, the late Liberal Democrats MP Cyril Smith was never prosecuted for his crimes as his powerful friends put a lid on the accusations
‘Don’t make out the police turned a blind eye,’ an ex-officer told me. ‘We investigated Cyril and were just as disgusted as you. But people at the top blocked our efforts. They said it wasn’t in the public interest to pursue this.’
What struck me then, as now, is the powerful sense of injustice felt by men who’d been foiled by higher forces that were protecting Smith.
How police were forced to let Cyril Smith off the hook: Devastating book reveals how his powerful Lib Dem friends saved him from exposure as a paedophile and a victim gives his account of the abuse he suffered
Police files on Cyril Smith show high-ranking Lib-Dems bullied detectives into not prosecuting him for child abuse
They are genuinely sickened that the appalling attacks on vulnerable boys continued, while one of the country’s most prominent politicians basked in an inexplicable immunity until the day he died.
Even as far back as the Fifties, police had their suspicions about the then Rochdale town councillor. One former detective, Mike Smith, told me that the newsagent’s shop Cyril ran for a while in Rochdale was under surveillance because boys had been seen going in the back door.
He also confirmed that Cyril’s mother, a cleaner for the council, was banned from coming into the police station, which was based in the Town Hall at the time, because she was known to go through bins looking for any information that would help her son.
Friends in high places: Cyril Smith pictured after retiring meeting then Liberal Democrats leader Charles Kennedy at a Lib Dem General Election rally in Southport in 2001
Paul Foulston’s story was the first to really up the ante. He had been a young detective constable with Thames Valley Police in the 1970s.
In 1976, he and his detective sergeant were working on a murder case together and went to Ashford Remand Centre (now known as Feltham Young Offenders Institution, one of Britain’s most notorious youth jails) to interview a suspect.
As they arrived there, a car squealed to a halt in front of them and they were intercepted by Special Branch officers from the Metropolitan Police.
‘They’d obviously been alerted that we were coming and they told us we were forbidden from speaking to the suspect. My sergeant was livid. He told them to p*** off. We were on a murder inquiry that was nothing to do with them.’
CAUGHT WITH CHILD PORN IN THE BOOT OF HIS CAR
Some of the testimony I heard was astonishing. It was obvious that Cyril had a secret life, but the scale of his perversity seemed to know no limits.
John Hessel’s story was one that stuck with me. Now running a pub in Scotland, he managed a bingo hall in Northampton in the 1980s and remembers one evening seeing a woman crying during a game.
‘She was on her own and just sobbing uncontrollably,’ he remembers. ‘It was disturbing the other players, so I asked her to come into the back for a coffee.’
She told him she worked in the local police station as an administrator and explained that she’d had a bad day. She shouldn’t let these things get to her, she said, but it wasn’t every day a politician was brought into the station and put in the cells.
That politician was Cyril Smith.
His car had been pulled over on the motorway and officers had found a box of child porn in his boot. The police were naturally disgusted and wanted to press charges. But then a phone call was made from London ordering his immediate release.
Senior officers had threatened those involved with dismissal if he was not discharged from custody immediately. The mood was tense and sullen as officers stood back while Cyril breezily walked past them to freedom.
All the staff who knew about this were threatened with the Official Secrets Act if they discussed the matter any further. Once again, Smith had walked out of a police station knowing he was a protected man.
In 2012, in a search through the DPP’s files by the CPS, a file containing a police referral of allegations relating to indecent obscene publications came to light.
I met the Director, Keir Starmer, to discuss this and, on the eve of his departure from the role, he asked me to direct all my queries to his team.
I did this, and got a return email saying they’d been passed onto the Metropolitan Police — where they remain unanswered.
A furious row ensued. ‘They were arrogant in the extreme and treated us like a couple of yokels.’
But Foulston’s colleague dug his heels in and the Special Branch officers eventually backed down. As they left, they gave a word of warning. ‘They said we could eliminate the suspect from our inquiries, but under no circumstances were we to ask him about Cyril Smith.’
This was puzzling. As far as Foulston and his sergeant were concerned, the Liberal MP was irrelevant to their case.
They duly interviewed their suspect, ruled him out of their inquiries, but then — catching each other’s eye — couldn’t resist a final question: ‘What do you know about Cyril Smith?’
So far the teenage boy had been calm and helpful, but now his eyes bulged as he unleashed a tide of vitriol. ‘It turned out he was Cyril Smith’s ex-boyfriend and was furious at how he had discarded him.’
He told the officers how Smith groomed boys like him. The politician liked them young, with tight muscles, but would ditch them as they got older. ‘I can’t forget the graphic detail,’ Foulston told me. ‘I was disgusted.’
There was nothing Foulston could do at the time — he had a murder to investigate and this wasn’t part of it — but he hated the idea of anyone being above the law. ‘I remember my thoughts at the time,’ says Foulston. ‘It was the bloody system protecting their own.’
But what happened 12 years later left an even more bitter taste. In 1988, Foulston opened his newspaper and saw the man that Special Branch had tried to protect that day was to become Sir Cyril Smith.
‘If the Establishment knew what he was up to and could award him a knighthood, then there is something seriously rotten, isn’t there?’
Paul Foulston wasn’t the only one who knew of Smith’s guilt. Lancashire detective Jack Tasker told me how he and a CID colleague were assigned to investigate Cyril in 1969.
The reason they were summoned by their boss, Chief Inspector Derek Wheater, was that they were stationed some distance from Rochdale, in Prestwich.
‘Smith’s been abusing boys for years,’ the Chief Inspector told them. ‘We’ve had three goes at him, but every time we’ve been blocked. I want to bring him in, and I need two officers who are not known in Rochdale to do it.’
All previous statements had been confiscated, Wheater added, so he wanted them to re-interview all the boys who’d accused Smith and get fresh statements.
Over the next few months Tasker and his colleague interviewed eight of them. ‘We found them convincing,’ he told me. ‘I believed them. Obviously, Wheater believed them as well.’
It looked a straightforward case, but Tasker hadn’t reckoned on the network of spies and obstructive forces Cyril Smith had at a local and national level to protect him.
Smith was called into Rochdale police station for questioning. A large reel-to-reel tape recorder was placed on the table in the interview room. ‘We went through the case with him and he looked very agitated,’ Tasker remembers.
‘He was a big man with a big mouth, but he wasn’t so confident that day.’
Under the hanging lamp, Tasker could see beads of sweat on Cyril’s jowly face: he looked a worried man. ‘We had him. I got the impression that if it went to trial he would crack. He said: “This will kill my mother”. I think he thought the game was up.’
It was Thursday evening and the light was beginning to fade. But by Monday, Cyril Smith would have given them the slip again. Tasker arrived at work to be confronted by two chief superintendents from Lancashire Constabulary headquarters in Hutton. They demanded all his witness statements about Smith.
‘This has come direct from the chief constable,’ they said. ‘We’re taking over the inquiry. We want every scrap of paper, every statement, every recording, every lead.’
Tasker knew he had no choice but to comply. After they’d bagged it up, they asked: “Is that everything? If it isn’t, and we find out you’ve held something back, there will be trouble.” Then they left.’ The files, says Tasker, went to headquarters and were buried. The next thing he knew, he was watching Smith on television with his arms aloft in triumph after winning a shock by-election. He was the new MP for Rochdale.
It eventually became common knowledge among politicians and police that files of evidence incriminating Smith had been seen by the Director of Public Prosecutions but ignored.
Challenged by the Rochdale Alternative Press, an underground magazine that battled to expose Smith, the DPP said in 1979 that it could not ‘confirm or deny’ receiving these files.
In November 2012, I decided it was time serious questions were asked about them, so I raised the matter at Prime Minister’s Questions.
I asked David Cameron if he would commit to publishing all files on Cyril Smith, and ensure that a police investigation took place into any cover-up. The PM looked nervous as he rose to respond.
These were ‘serious allegations about a former Member of this House’, he said, justifying Paul Foulston’s suspicion that the Establishment instinctively looked to protect their own.
‘If anyone has information or facts they should take them to the police,’ Cameron continued, getting into his stride. ‘That is the way we should investigate these things in this country.’ I was disappointed — but not surprised.
No more lies: In his new book, Labour MP Simon Danczuk exposes how the Establishment, Liberal Party, police chiefs and even MI5 covered up Cyril Smith's sexual abuse
The same answer was trotted out when I asked again about Smith at Home Office questions, this time by the Liberal Democrat minister Jeremy Browne. Ministers were closing ranks.
There seemed no political appetite for the police files on Smith to be made public. I guess they figured it wouldn’t do for a politician to be outed as a paedophile.
Then I received a phone call from Greater Manchester Police.
‘It’s regarding the questions you’re asking about Cyril Smith,’ said a senior detective within the Public Protection Division. ‘We could do with having a chat.’
I said I’d be happy to meet, adding: ‘But I don’t think I’m going to get anywhere with finding these police files.’
‘That’s what I want to talk to you about,’ he replied. ‘I have them here in front of me.’
144 ACCUSERS AND HOW OFFICERS WENT TO WAR ON HIS TV ADVERT
Tales of Cyril Smith’s rapacious sexual appetite weren’t confined to a corner of Lancashire. All over the country, people knew about his interest in boys.
Derek Smith, a former instructor at Sussex Police, remembers in the 1980s one of his colleagues actually using Cyril Smith’s case as part of a training session for other officers about cases of child abuse.
‘She used Cyril not being convicted as an example of how you had to get as much evidence as possible if you wanted to charge someone with important social status,’ says Derek Smith.
‘She said there were 144 complaints of child abuse against him, but he still couldn’t be convicted.’
Senior officers were furious when word spread that the Rochdale MP’s case was a part of training.
‘She was moved to Harrogate with a threat of discipline hanging over her,’ says Derek Smith.
‘All instructors, even those in charge of the driving school and IT training, were threatened with dismissal if Cyril’s name was ever mentioned again.’
But Derek Smith says these continued attempts to prevent anyone talking about Cyril Smith didn’t work. ‘Everyone knew about it,’ he says. ‘You couldn’t stop it spreading.’
By the late 1980s, copies of the file that had been sent to the Director of Public Prosecutions in 1970 containing allegations of Cyril Smith’s abuse had been distributed to officers all around the country.
Such was their disgust that many were part of a letter-writing campaign to High Street banks, urging them to remove Smith as the public face of an ad campaign for Access credit cards.
‘It may well have worked,’ says Derek Smith, ‘as he was later dropped.’
If so, he concludes, it was one of the few ways that officers succeeded in fighting back against this scandalous cover-up. ‘Honest police officers simply had nowhere to go with the information they had about Cyril.’
A week later, two police officers, one from Greater Manchester Police and one from Lancashire Police, came to meet me. They didn’t bring the files with them but I finally began to discover what they contained.
The files, I learned, were clear: Cyril was guilty of using his position to abuse boys. The language was ‘extremely forthright’.
An 80-page report had been sent to the Director of Public Prosecutions on March 11, 1970 — but a week later it was returned with a note recommending no further action be taken. Shortly afterwards, Smith stood as the Liberal candidate for Rochdale in the general election.
That was it then? Cyril had immunity? He could carry on abusing as he pleased, because the DPP didn’t think it was in the public interest to put a politician in the dock?
The officers shrugged. I could tell Cyril wasn’t a big priority for them. Resources were stretched and there were plenty of live paedophiles they wanted to bring to justice.
That I could understand. But what about his victims? Cyril had left a trail of misery and shame in Rochdale as he abused any boy he fancied. Wasn’t it fair that the crimes against them should be recognised at last?
The officers nodded. There was to be a meeting of senior commanders on Monday. Greater Manchester Police and Lancashire Police would put out a statement acknowledging that Smith should have been prosecuted. They would visit Cyril’s surviving family to warn them. Victims would get apologies.
I sat back. This would represent quite a breakthrough. We agreed to speak the following week.
Before the statement could be released, though, the Crown Prosecution Service got wind of it and realised this wouldn’t portray them in a good light.
If the police apologised, attention would immediately focus on the CPS. They moved swiftly to trump the planned announcement with one of their own.
The gist of this was ‘we do things differently these days’. If we’d known then what we know today, announced Nazir Azfal, Chief Crown Prosecutor for CPS North West, then Cyril Smith would have been prosecuted.
In other words, the reason he’d escaped justice was all down to a lack of evidence and the different legal values back then.
This got the CPS off the hook, but it simply didn’t tally with the stories I’d heard of people at the top intercepting evidence, making sure files were removed, and police being told to drop their inquiries into Smith.
Everything I was hearing pointed towards a cover-up — yet the CPS was now claiming it was all down to different legal values at the time.
‘It is important to note,’ the CPS statement concluded, ‘that this way of thinking bears little resemblance to how such cases are assessed today.’
The fact that I’d seen clear evidence earlier that year, in the Rochdale grooming scandal, that victims were still being treated in the same way made a mockery of this claim.
Forty-seven girls had been victims of appalling sexual abuse that had gone on for years. It could and should have stopped far sooner. The victims — some as young as 13 — had cried foul to the police and the CPS had ignored them, too.
The boy he abused in his Commons office
This is the story of one of Cyril’s victims. He was 16, living with adopted parents and hungry for new experiences, when he first met Smith in 1979.
His story reveals how shrewdly Smith would groom favoured boys — and how ruthlessly he then abused them.
A loud voice was booming outside the window. A big black Mercedes was crawling around our council estate with a Tannoy blaring out ‘Nice One Cyril’. A huge figure got out, strode purposefully across the road and knocked on our door.
I opened it and stared at this smiling hulk of a man. ‘I’m Cyril Smith. Are you interested in politics, lad?’
‘Yes, I am.’
His face lit up. ‘Then perhaps I’ve got a new recruit. Why don’t you come and join us?’
I did just that, stuffing envelopes at his parliamentary campaign HQ and speaking to voters on doorsteps as he campaigned in the General Election.
I went to the count at the Town Hall to watch him win. The cheers nearly shook the building as Cyril was returned as the town’s MP for the fourth time.
I was working in a textile mill at the time. I’d never known my real mother, my dad was in prison and I’d been put up for adoption at an early age.
I was searching for excitement, risk, purpose. Cyril seemed to promise it. You could tell he didn’t live by the same rules as the rest of us.
It wasn’t long before I was a close member of his team and spending more and more time at his office. I watched with awe at how he tended to constituents’ problems.
He’d listen attentively as someone told him how they needed a bigger council house for their family, then he’d pick up the phone and the council would leap to attention and sort out whatever he wanted. Cyril seemed to have complete control over the public sector in Rochdale.
If you became a friend of Cyril’s, he’d make sure he looked after you. ‘You want to be a magistrate?’ he’d ask. ‘Leave it to me.’
He was well in with the free-masons, too. He could always get something done by calling a contact. In 1980, Cyril took me to the Liberal conference in Blackpool. We stayed in the Imperial Hotel and I loved it. Cyril could see I was completely overawed. He laughed and tousled my hair.
Back in Rochdale, he asked me to come for a drive late at night. ‘Let me get my mum to bed first,’ he said, and then he picked me up.
Cyril was dressed in his pyjamas and slippers. He drove us up into the Pennines and pulled up by a stone wall in a remote spot. I remember looking at his huge clenched fist on the handbrake. I could see the whites of his knuckles.
He leaned towards me. ‘I’m not going to be in politics for ever,’ he said. ‘If you stick with me, I’ll make sure you’re the next MP for Rochdale. I’ll show you the ropes, I’ll groom you. It can be yours if you want it.’
Method: Smith's victim met him while he was out campaigning with a car using a Tannoy, as in this picture
His face was an inch away from mine now and I could smell his breath. The leather seats squeaked as his weight shifted towards me. As he spoke, his hand slid down my inside leg and he began to pull me towards him. I know now I should have screamed and punched him in the face. I should have got out of that car and never turned back. But I didn’t. I sat there frozen as he groped me, moaning and groaning and burying his face in my neck.
I didn’t say a word. My heart was pounding.
In the years that followed, I lost count of how many times he did this to me. I could tell by the look on his face that he knew he had complete control over me. My background meant I had hardly any confidence or self-esteem. I’d never had a girlfriend and Cyril’s world was exciting and unpredictable.
He treated me like a sex object. I got used to seeing dark clouds of lust cross his eyes — then he’d create opportunities for us to be alone.
At one point, he even groped me in Parliament. He’d taken me there a few times and introduced me to all kinds of people.
I remember meeting Labour leader Michael Foot and watching the pair of them laughing hysterically at things that weren’t in the slightest bit funny. I wondered if you had to be mad to get into that place.
In Cyril’s office there he was all over me — with the door open, too. Politicians walked past, but no one said anything. It was as though different laws applied to the people there.
'The door was open': His victim says he will never forget how Cyril Smith, pictured with then Liberal leader David Steel in 1977, abused him in the House of Commons
Eventually, I was tired of being used. He’d taken what little self-respect I had and trampled all over it. He’d made dignity a foreign word to me. Sometimes I looked in the mirror and felt sick at what I saw. I even dreamed of killing him.
Everyone has a breaking point, and I now saw Cyril for what he was — a fat, middle-aged, lonely man who liked abusing boys. His problem was that he’d become intoxicated with power. He was reckless and took risks, but he knew he’d get away with it.
By 1985, I was married and left Rochdale and Cyril Smith behind for good. When he died, I couldn’t watch the simpering politicians on TV as they fawned over him and talked of his legacy.
He was cremated, but if he’d been buried I would have torn his gravestone down. I phoned the chief executive of Rochdale council and told him if they built a statue in memory of him I’d personally get a digger and demolish it.
Hate is a powerful emotion and it’s one that I fight with constantly. I don’t want to be owned by it, but I can’t forgive Cyril.
How on earth can a politician get away with molesting 16-year-old boys? And how many more were there like me?
You know the thing that’s stayed with me most? It’s his laugh. Utterly mirthless, loud and hollow. Sometimes I can still hear it now.
Files show liberals bullied detectives
After spending many months wading through abuse, despair and wretched politics in pursuit of Cyril Smith, I had just about gone as far as I thought possible.
I wasn’t sure if I had the stomach to deal with much more — when a key piece of the jigsaw I’d almost given up on finally turned up.
I got access to the police files on Cyril Smith.
Protected: Cyril Smith, pictured with fellow Liberal Democrats Jo Grimond, David Steel and Jeremy Thorpe, was 'allowed' to continue his abuse despite police trying to investigate
I was in a restaurant in London when I first got sight of them. They were placed in front of me by a journalist, and I put the menu down and started to devour every word.
There was plenty there that I already knew, having pieced it together from other sources; but there was one section that quickly grabbed my attention.
Henry Howarth had succeeded Cyril as mayor of Rochdale in 1967 and was the leader of the Rochdale Liberal Party. During the police investigation into Cyril at the end of the 1960s, he was interviewed by Detective Sergeant Jeffrey Leach.
Howarth offered some robust advice to the police regarding the prospect of charging Cyril with child abuse.
‘May I offer a personal opinion,’ he began. ‘I sincerely hope that this matter is not prosecuted before the court. In my opinion, as a Justice of the Peace, it is not court worthy.
‘The prosecution can do no good at all, and the backlash will have unfortunate repercussions for the police force and the town of Rochdale. It is no secret that Cyril and I are buddies, and not only politically.’
GROSS INDECENCY IN THE PARK
As he found he could get away with his abuse, Cyril Smith began to take more risks, as Ron Foynes testified.
A member of the Royal Military Police based at Rochester Row in Westminster in the late Seventies, Ron got in touch to share what was an open secret at the time.
‘Cyril Smith was into young boys, we all knew that,’ he said. ‘We heard plenty of stories about him.’
These stories would be shared at the Corporals Mess bar where Ron and his fellow RMP officers socialised with the Royal Parks Constabulary, whose police station was in St James’s Park.
‘The Parks officers explained how they carried out observations and arrests in the male public toilets in the park, close to the junction of Marlborough Road and the Mall,’ he said.
‘These toilets were a regular meeting place for homosexuals and young male prostitutes after dark.’
On a number of occasions police officers had detained Cyril Smith after he was caught ‘in acts of gross indecency with young lads’ at these toilets.
On each occasion, they’d been told by those higher up the chain of command to discontinue their inquiries due to the status of the individual concerned.
How many times had Cyril Smith been arrested or pulled in by police only to be released as soon as the phone call from high office was made?
I wondered if he actually got a thrill out of being caught — knowing they couldn’t pin anything on him because he was a protected man.
In other words, the leader of the local Liberal Party was threatening the police. Notes from Detective Sergeant Leach underneath this account acknowledge as much.
‘The veiled threats and innuendoes contained therein,’ he remarks, ‘reflect Howarth’s general attitude to this inquiry.’
I’d already known that Cyril was leaning hard on the police, but I didn’t know that the local Liberal Party was doing the same. What ‘unfortunate repercussions’ for the police could Howarth possibly have had in mind as he tried to bully them into dropping their investigation?
Reading on, it quickly becomes apparent that Leach has doubts about Rochdale police. Referring to evidence of Cyril’s abuse given by the council’s children’s officer, Lyndon Price, Leach casts doubt on whether Rochdale’s Chief Constable Patrick Ross ever acted on it.
‘It is quite feasible,’ he notes, ‘that Mr Ross would keep it to himself because of the status of the man involved.’
The files also offered clues to the defence that Cyril was prepared to give if the matter went to court. Under questioning, he tried to claim he was in loco parentis where the boys abused at local schools and hostels were concerned.
They were on his property, and in all matters medical and relating to general discipline, Cyril claimed the boys had signed off legal responsibility for him to care for them. In other words, he could do whatever he wanted.
Detective Inspector Leach knew only too well that no court in the land would buy this.
‘In my opinion,’ he wrote, ‘it is without merit. It will not withstand even superficial examination.’
Concluding, Leach seemed confident of a prosecution. Under questioning, Cyril ‘had difficulty articulating, and even the stock answers he offered could only be obtained after repeated promptings by his solicitor’.
Unfortunately, the Director of Public Prosecutions did not share the same confidence.
In a letter to Lancashire Police in 1970, DPP Sir Norman Skelhorn said he did not consider there to be a reasonable prospect of a conviction. Referring to the statements by Cyril’s victims, he said: ‘The characters of some of these young men would be likely to render their evidence suspect.’
It may as well have said that as long as a high-profile politician decides to abuse boys of lowly social status, then there is zero chance of him being prosecuted. It more or less outlined a code of conduct for abusers. Stick to vulnerable people from broken homes and the law will give you a wide berth.
The injustice contained in these words is as strong now as it was then. It was a loophole so huge that even someone as gargantuan as Cyril could skip through.
extracted from Smile For The Camera: The Double Life Of Cyril Smith by Simon Danczuk and Matthew Baker, to be published tomorrow by Biteback, £16.99. © 2014 Simon Danczuk and Matthew Baker. To order a copy for £14.99 (incl p&p) call 0844 472 4157.
The people behind Smith use and abuse the criminal Justice System with impunity. They can protect criminals from prosecution and promote corrupt insiders who do their bidding, Knighthoods, elevation from humble barrister to Queens Council and on to Judge all in their gift. Lucrative Government contracts, sitting on Public Inquiries, quangos.
Expose them or threaten them and they will murder, discredit, set-up, prosecute and threw whistle blowers and victims in jail. The Criminal Justice system is now just a tool for a few rich, powerful and corrupt people to oppress and terrorize those they consider beneath them