Simon Danzuk MP
has written an explosive book about Paedophile Cyril Smith which as a by
product reveals the level of corruption in the Criminal Justice System.
The people who protect
elite pedophiles like Cyril Smith and Jimmy Savile whilst running
a very lucrative child porn and snuff video business are not
stupid!
Highly intelligent,
manipulative and consummate liars they are ensconced in key
positions in Parliament, the civil service, the Police, the Crown Prosecution
Service, the Legal Professions and the Courts. In their ranks are
senior politicians, Queens Counsels, Judges, senior policeman. Knighted
and favored for keeping a corrupt criminal justice system functioning they are
demented, amoral and corrupt.
They use State run BBC media for their propaganda. In MSM they use journalist assets like David Rose and Bob Woffinden . Whilst in the alternative media they use bloggers like Anna Racoon aka Susan Nundy and Barrister Barbara Hewson. These evil people weave a fantasy of clever lies into a cloth to cover up the dirty deeds of VIP pedophiles and organized criminals. They protect the guilty and hound their innocent victims.
The late Liberal Democrat MP
for Rochdale, Cyril Smith, abused boys Its has since been revealed that police knew, but
couldn't investigate High ranking politicians stopped police from putting
him behind bars One of his victims revealed how he was groomed by Smith
aged 16 Smith brought him to the House of Commons and abused him in his
office Victim says: 'The door was open, politicians walked past, but did
nothing'
· Labour MP Simon Danczuk exposes in his book
the industrial scale of Smith's debauchery and how the Establishment, Liberal
Party, police chiefs and MI5 covered it up. Smith the 29-stone
monster was saved from prosecution time after time...
After I named Cyril Smith as a
child abuser in a speech to Parliament, I began to get calls from former police
officers. ‘Don’t think we didn’t try to get him in the dock,’ one said to me
straight away. ‘We knew he was guilty, and we did all we could to make him face
charges.’
Smith cast a long shadow, even
when dead, and some of these officers were still nervous about speaking out.
Another caller told me: ‘I’ll lose my pension if I tell you what I know.’
All were united in one thing,
though. They wanted to set the record straight.
Protected: Despite police
knowing of his abuse of young boys, the late Liberal Democrats MP Cyril Smith
was never prosecuted for his crimes as his powerful friends put a lid on the
accusations
‘Don’t make out the police
turned a blind eye,’ an ex-officer told me. ‘We investigated Cyril and were
just as disgusted as you. But people at the top blocked our efforts. They said
it wasn’t in the public interest to pursue this.’
What struck me then, as now,
is the powerful sense of injustice felt by men who’d been foiled by higher
forces that were protecting Smith.
They are genuinely sickened
that the appalling attacks on vulnerable boys continued, while one of the
country’s most prominent politicians basked in an inexplicable immunity until
the day he died.
Even as far back as the
Fifties, police had their suspicions about the then Rochdale town councillor.
One former detective, Mike Smith, told me that the newsagent’s shop Cyril ran
for a while in Rochdale was under surveillance because boys had been seen going
in the back door.
He also confirmed that Cyril’s
mother, a cleaner for the council, was banned from coming into the police
station, which was based in the Town Hall at the time, because she was known to
go through bins looking for any information that would help her son.
Friends in high places: Cyril
Smith pictured after retiring meeting then Liberal Democrats leader Charles
Kennedy at a Lib Dem General Election rally in Southport in 2001
Paul Foulston’s story was the
first to really up the ante. He had been a young detective constable with
Thames Valley Police in the 1970s.
In 1976, he and his detective
sergeant were working on a murder case together and went to Ashford Remand
Centre (now known as Feltham Young Offenders Institution, one of Britain’s most
notorious youth jails) to interview a suspect.
As they arrived there, a car
squealed to a halt in front of them and they were intercepted by Special Branch
officers from the Metropolitan Police.
‘They’d obviously been alerted
that we were coming and they told us we were forbidden from speaking to the
suspect. My sergeant was livid. He told them to p*** off. We were on a murder
inquiry that was nothing to do with them.’
CAUGHT
WITH CHILD PORN IN THE BOOT OF HIS CAR
Some of the testimony I heard
was astonishing. It was obvious that Cyril had a secret life, but the scale of
his perversity seemed to know no limits.
John Hessel’s story was one
that stuck with me. Now running a pub in Scotland, he managed a bingo hall in
Northampton in the 1980s and remembers one evening seeing a woman crying during
a game.
‘She was on her own and just
sobbing uncontrollably,’ he remembers. ‘It was disturbing the other players, so
I asked her to come into the back for a coffee.’
She told him she worked in the
local police station as an administrator and explained that she’d had a bad
day. She shouldn’t let these things get to her, she said, but it wasn’t every
day a politician was brought into the station and put in the cells.
That politician was Cyril
Smith.
His car had been pulled over
on the motorway and officers had found a box of child porn in his boot. The
police were naturally disgusted and wanted to press charges. But then a phone
call was made from London ordering his immediate release.
Senior officers had threatened
those involved with dismissal if he was not discharged from custody
immediately. The mood was tense and sullen as officers stood back while Cyril
breezily walked past them to freedom.
All the staff who knew about
this were threatened with the Official Secrets Act if they discussed the matter
any further. Once again, Smith had walked out of a police station knowing he
was a protected man.
In 2012, in a search through
the DPP’s files by the CPS, a file containing a police referral of allegations
relating to indecent obscene publications came to light.
I met the Director, Keir
Starmer, to discuss this and, on the eve of his departure from the role, he
asked me to direct all my queries to his team.
I did this, and got a return
email saying they’d been passed onto the Metropolitan Police — where they
remain unanswered.
A furious row ensued. ‘They
were arrogant in the extreme and treated us like a couple of yokels.’
But Foulston’s colleague dug
his heels in and the Special Branch officers eventually backed down. As they
left, they gave a word of warning. ‘They said we could eliminate the suspect
from our inquiries, but under no circumstances were we to ask him about Cyril
Smith.’
This was puzzling. As far as
Foulston and his sergeant were concerned, the Liberal MP was irrelevant to
their case.
They duly interviewed their
suspect, ruled him out of their inquiries, but then — catching each other’s eye
— couldn’t resist a final question: ‘What do you know about Cyril Smith?’
So far the teenage boy had
been calm and helpful, but now his eyes bulged as he unleashed a tide of
vitriol. ‘It turned out he was Cyril Smith’s ex-boyfriend and was furious at
how he had discarded him.’
He told the officers how Smith
groomed boys like him. The politician liked them young, with tight muscles, but
would ditch them as they got older. ‘I can’t forget the graphic detail,’
Foulston told me. ‘I was disgusted.’
There was nothing Foulston
could do at the time — he had a murder to investigate and this wasn’t part of
it — but he hated the idea of anyone being above the law. ‘I remember my
thoughts at the time,’ says Foulston. ‘It was the bloody system protecting
their own.’
But what happened 12 years
later left an even more bitter taste. In 1988, Foulston opened his newspaper
and saw the man that Special Branch had tried to protect that day was to become
Sir Cyril Smith.
‘If the Establishment knew
what he was up to and could award him a knighthood, then there is something
seriously rotten, isn’t there?’
Paul Foulston wasn’t the only
one who knew of Smith’s guilt. Lancashire detective Jack Tasker told me how he
and a CID colleague were assigned to investigate Cyril in 1969.
The reason they were summoned
by their boss, Chief Inspector Derek Wheater, was that they were stationed some
distance from Rochdale, in Prestwich.
‘Smith’s been abusing boys for
years,’ the Chief Inspector told them. ‘We’ve had three goes at him, but every
time we’ve been blocked. I want to bring him in, and I need two officers who
are not known in Rochdale to do it.’
All previous statements had
been confiscated, Wheater added, so he wanted them to re-interview all the boys
who’d accused Smith and get fresh statements.
Over the next few months
Tasker and his colleague interviewed eight of them. ‘We found them convincing,’
he told me. ‘I believed them. Obviously, Wheater believed them as well.’
It looked a straightforward
case, but Tasker hadn’t reckoned on the network of spies and obstructive forces
Cyril Smith had at a local and national level to protect him.
Smith was called into Rochdale
police station for questioning. A large reel-to-reel tape recorder was placed
on the table in the interview room. ‘We went through the case with him and he
looked very agitated,’ Tasker remembers.
‘He was a big man with a big
mouth, but he wasn’t so confident that day.’
Under the hanging lamp, Tasker
could see beads of sweat on Cyril’s jowly face: he looked a worried man. ‘We
had him. I got the impression that if it went to trial he would crack. He said:
“This will kill my mother”. I think he thought the game was up.’
It was Thursday evening and
the light was beginning to fade. But by Monday, Cyril Smith would have given
them the slip again. Tasker arrived at work to be confronted by two chief
superintendents from Lancashire Constabulary headquarters in Hutton. They
demanded all his witness statements about Smith.
‘This has come direct from the
chief constable,’ they said. ‘We’re taking over the inquiry. We want every
scrap of paper, every statement, every recording, every lead.’
Tasker knew he had no choice
but to comply. After they’d bagged it up, they asked: “Is that everything? If
it isn’t, and we find out you’ve held something back, there will be trouble.”
Then they left.’ The files, says Tasker, went to headquarters and were buried.
The next thing he knew, he was watching Smith on television with his arms aloft
in triumph after winning a shock by-election. He was the new MP for Rochdale.
It eventually became common
knowledge among politicians and police that files of evidence incriminating
Smith had been seen by the Director of Public Prosecutions but ignored.
Challenged by the Rochdale
Alternative Press, an underground magazine that battled to expose Smith, the
DPP said in 1979 that it could not ‘confirm or deny’ receiving these files.
In November 2012, I decided it
was time serious questions were asked about them, so I raised the matter at
Prime Minister’s Questions.
I asked David Cameron if he
would commit to publishing all files on Cyril Smith, and ensure that a police
investigation took place into any cover-up. The PM looked nervous as he rose to
respond.
These were ‘serious
allegations about a former Member of this House’, he said, justifying Paul
Foulston’s suspicion that the Establishment instinctively looked to protect
their own.
‘If anyone has information or
facts they should take them to the police,’ Cameron continued, getting into his
stride. ‘That is the way we should investigate these things in this country.’ I
was disappointed — but not surprised.
No more lies: In his new book,
Labour MP Simon Danczuk exposes how the Establishment, Liberal Party, police
chiefs and even MI5 covered up Cyril Smith's sexual abuse
The same answer was trotted
out when I asked again about Smith at Home Office questions, this time by the
Liberal Democrat minister Jeremy Browne. Ministers were closing ranks.
There seemed no political
appetite for the police files on Smith to be made public. I guess they figured
it wouldn’t do for a politician to be outed as a paedophile.
Then I received a phone call from
Greater Manchester Police.
‘It’s regarding the questions
you’re asking about Cyril Smith,’ said a senior detective within the Public
Protection Division. ‘We could do with having a chat.’
I said I’d be happy to meet,
adding: ‘But I don’t think I’m going to get anywhere with finding these police
files.’
‘That’s what I want to talk to
you about,’ he replied. ‘I have them here in front of me.’
144
ACCUSERS AND HOW OFFICERS WENT TO WAR ON HIS TV ADVERT
Tales of Cyril Smith’s
rapacious sexual appetite weren’t confined to a corner of Lancashire. All
over the country, people knew about his interest in boys.
Derek Smith, a former
instructor at Sussex Police, remembers in the 1980s one of his
colleagues actually using Cyril Smith’s case as part of a training
session for other officers about cases of child abuse.
‘She used Cyril not being
convicted as an example of how you had to get as much evidence as possible if
you wanted to charge someone with important social status,’ says Derek
Smith.
‘She said there were 144
complaints of child abuse against him, but he still couldn’t be
convicted.’
Senior officers were furious
when word spread that the Rochdale MP’s case was a part of training.
‘She was moved to Harrogate
with a threat of discipline hanging over her,’ says Derek Smith.
‘All instructors, even those
in charge of the driving school and IT training, were threatened with dismissal
if Cyril’s name was ever mentioned again.’
But Derek Smith says these
continued attempts to prevent anyone talking about Cyril Smith didn’t work.
‘Everyone knew about it,’ he says. ‘You couldn’t stop it spreading.’
By the late 1980s, copies of
the file that had been sent to the Director of Public Prosecutions in 1970 containing
allegations of Cyril Smith’s abuse had been distributed to officers all around
the country.
Such was their disgust that
many were part of a letter-writing campaign to High Street banks, urging them
to remove Smith as the public face of an ad campaign for Access credit cards.
‘It may well have worked,’
says Derek Smith, ‘as he was later dropped.’
If so, he concludes, it was
one of the few ways that officers succeeded in fighting back against this
scandalous cover-up. ‘Honest police officers simply had nowhere to go with the
information they had about Cyril.’
A week later, two police
officers, one from Greater Manchester Police and one from Lancashire Police,
came to meet me. They didn’t bring the files with them but I finally began to
discover what they contained.
The files, I learned, were
clear: Cyril was guilty of using his position to abuse boys. The language was
‘extremely forthright’.
An 80-page report had been
sent to the Director of Public Prosecutions on March 11, 1970 — but a week
later it was returned with a note recommending no further action be taken.
Shortly afterwards, Smith stood as the Liberal candidate for Rochdale in the
general election.
That was it then? Cyril had
immunity? He could carry on abusing as he pleased, because the DPP didn’t think
it was in the public interest to put a politician in the dock?
The officers shrugged. I could
tell Cyril wasn’t a big priority for them. Resources were stretched and there
were plenty of live paedophiles they wanted to bring to justice.
That I could understand. But
what about his victims? Cyril had left a trail of misery and shame in Rochdale
as he abused any boy he fancied. Wasn’t it fair that the crimes against them
should be recognised at last?
The officers nodded. There was
to be a meeting of senior commanders on Monday. Greater Manchester Police and
Lancashire Police would put out a statement acknowledging that Smith should
have been prosecuted. They would visit Cyril’s surviving family to warn them.
Victims would get apologies.
I sat back. This would
represent quite a breakthrough. We agreed to speak the following week.
Before the statement could be
released, though, the Crown Prosecution Service got wind of it and realised
this wouldn’t portray them in a good light.
If the police apologised,
attention would immediately focus on the CPS. They moved swiftly to trump the
planned announcement with one of their own.
The gist of this was ‘we do
things differently these days’. If we’d known then what we know today,
announced Nazir Azfal, Chief Crown Prosecutor for CPS North West, then Cyril
Smith would have been prosecuted.
In other words, the reason
he’d escaped justice was all down to a lack of evidence and the different legal
values back then.
This got the CPS off the hook,
but it simply didn’t tally with the stories I’d heard of people at the top
intercepting evidence, making sure files were removed, and police being told to
drop their inquiries into Smith.
Everything I was hearing
pointed towards a cover-up — yet the CPS was now claiming it was all down to
different legal values at the time.
‘It is important to note,’ the
CPS statement concluded, ‘that this way of thinking bears little
resemblance to how such cases are assessed today.’
The fact that I’d seen clear
evidence earlier that year, in the Rochdale grooming scandal, that victims were
still being treated in the same way made a mockery of this claim.
Forty-seven girls had been
victims of appalling sexual abuse that had gone on for years. It could and
should have stopped far sooner. The victims — some as young as 13 — had cried
foul to the police and the CPS had ignored them, too.
The boy he abused
in his Commons office
This is the story
of one of Cyril’s victims. He was 16, living with adopted parents
and hungry for new experiences, when he first met Smith in 1979.
His story reveals
how shrewdly Smith would groom favoured boys — and how ruthlessly he then
abused them.
A loud voice was booming
outside the window. A big black Mercedes was crawling around our council estate
with a Tannoy blaring out ‘Nice One Cyril’. A huge figure got out, strode
purposefully across the road and knocked on our door.
I opened it and stared at
this smiling hulk of a man. ‘I’m Cyril Smith. Are you interested in
politics, lad?’
‘Yes, I am.’
His face lit up. ‘Then perhaps
I’ve got a new recruit. Why don’t you come and join us?’
I did just that, stuffing
envelopes at his parliamentary campaign HQ and speaking to voters on doorsteps
as he campaigned in the General Election.
I went to the count at the
Town Hall to watch him win. The cheers nearly shook the building as Cyril was
returned as the town’s MP for the fourth time.
I was working in a textile
mill at the time. I’d never known my real mother, my dad was in prison and I’d
been put up for adoption at an early age.
I was searching for excitement,
risk, purpose. Cyril seemed to promise it. You could tell he didn’t live by the
same rules as the rest of us.
It wasn’t long before I was a
close member of his team and spending more and more time at his office. I
watched with awe at how he tended to constituents’ problems.
He’d listen attentively as
someone told him how they needed a bigger council house for their family,
then he’d pick up the phone and the council would leap to attention and sort
out whatever he wanted. Cyril seemed to have complete control over the public
sector in Rochdale.
If you became a friend of
Cyril’s, he’d make sure he looked after you. ‘You want to be a magistrate?’
he’d ask. ‘Leave it to me.’
He was well in with the
free-masons, too. He could always get something done by calling a contact. In
1980, Cyril took me to the Liberal conference in Blackpool. We stayed in the
Imperial Hotel and I loved it. Cyril could see I was completely overawed. He
laughed and tousled my hair.
Back in Rochdale, he asked me
to come for a drive late at night. ‘Let me get my mum to bed first,’ he
said, and then he picked me up.
Cyril was dressed in his
pyjamas and slippers. He drove us up into the Pennines and pulled up by a stone
wall in a remote spot. I remember looking at his huge clenched fist on the
handbrake. I could see the whites of his knuckles.
He leaned towards me. ‘I’m not
going to be in politics for ever,’ he said. ‘If you stick with me, I’ll
make sure you’re the next MP for Rochdale. I’ll show you the ropes, I’ll groom
you. It can be yours if you want it.’
Method: Smith's victim met him
while he was out campaigning with a car using a Tannoy, as in this picture
His face was an inch away from
mine now and I could smell his breath. The leather seats squeaked as his weight
shifted towards me. As he spoke, his hand slid down my inside leg and he began
to pull me towards him. I know now I should have screamed and punched him in
the face. I should have got out of that car and never turned back. But I
didn’t. I sat there frozen as he groped me, moaning and groaning and burying
his face in my neck.
I didn’t say a word. My
heart was pounding.
In the years that followed, I
lost count of how many times he did this to me. I could tell by the look on his
face that he knew he had complete control over me. My background meant I had
hardly any confidence or self-esteem. I’d never had a girlfriend and Cyril’s
world was exciting and unpredictable.
He treated me like a sex
object. I got used to seeing dark clouds of lust cross his eyes —
then he’d create opportunities for us to be alone.
At one point, he even groped
me in Parliament. He’d taken me there a few times and introduced me to all
kinds of people.
I remember meeting Labour
leader Michael Foot and watching the pair of them laughing hysterically at
things that weren’t in the slightest bit funny. I wondered if you had to be mad
to get into that place.
In Cyril’s office there he was
all over me — with the door open, too. Politicians walked past, but no one said
anything. It was as though different laws applied to the people there.
+8
'The door was open': His
victim says he will never forget how Cyril Smith, pictured with then Liberal
leader David Steel in 1977, abused him in the House of Commons
Eventually, I was tired of
being used. He’d taken what little self-respect I had and trampled all over it.
He’d made dignity a foreign word to me. Sometimes I looked in the mirror and
felt sick at what I saw. I even dreamed of killing him.
Everyone has a breaking point,
and I now saw Cyril for what he was — a fat, middle-aged, lonely man who liked
abusing boys. His problem was that he’d become intoxicated with power. He was
reckless and took risks, but he knew he’d get away with it.
By 1985, I was married and
left Rochdale and Cyril Smith behind for good. When he died, I couldn’t watch
the simpering politicians on TV as they fawned over him and talked of his
legacy.
He was cremated, but if he’d
been buried I would have torn his gravestone down. I phoned the
chief executive of Rochdale council and told him if they built a statue
in memory of him I’d personally get a digger and demolish it.
Hate is a powerful emotion and
it’s one that I fight with constantly. I don’t want to be owned by it, but I
can’t forgive Cyril.
How on earth can a politician
get away with molesting 16-year-old boys? And how many more were there like me?
You know the thing that’s
stayed with me most? It’s his laugh. Utterly mirthless, loud and hollow.
Sometimes I can still hear it now.
Files show
liberals bullied detectives
After spending many months
wading through abuse, despair and wretched politics in pursuit of Cyril Smith,
I had just about gone as far as I thought possible.
I wasn’t sure if I had the
stomach to deal with much more — when a key piece of the jigsaw I’d almost
given up on finally turned up.
I got access to the police
files on Cyril Smith.
Protected: Cyril Smith,
pictured with fellow Liberal Democrats Jo Grimond, David Steel and Jeremy
Thorpe, was 'allowed' to continue his abuse despite police trying to
investigate
I was in a restaurant in
London when I first got sight of them. They were placed in front of me by a
journalist, and I put the menu down and started to devour every word.
There was plenty there that I
already knew, having pieced it together from other sources; but there was one
section that quickly grabbed my attention.
Henry Howarth had succeeded
Cyril as mayor of Rochdale in 1967 and was the leader of the Rochdale Liberal
Party. During the police investigation into Cyril at the end of the 1960s, he
was interviewed by Detective Sergeant Jeffrey Leach.
Howarth offered some robust
advice to the police regarding the prospect of charging Cyril with child abuse.
‘May I offer a personal
opinion,’ he began. ‘I sincerely hope that this matter is not prosecuted before
the court. In my opinion, as a Justice of the Peace, it is not court worthy.
‘The prosecution can do no
good at all, and the backlash will have unfortunate repercussions for the
police force and the town of Rochdale. It is no secret that Cyril and I are
buddies, and not only politically.’
GROSS
INDECENCY IN THE PARK
As he found he could get away
with his abuse, Cyril Smith began to take more risks, as Ron Foynes testified.
A member of the Royal Military
Police based at Rochester Row in Westminster in the late Seventies, Ron got in
touch to share what was an open secret at the time.
‘Cyril Smith was into young
boys, we all knew that,’ he said. ‘We heard plenty of stories about him.’
These stories would be shared
at the Corporals Mess bar where Ron and his fellow RMP officers socialised with
the Royal Parks Constabulary, whose police station was in St James’s Park.
‘The Parks officers explained
how they carried out observations and arrests in the male public toilets in the
park, close to the junction of Marlborough Road and the Mall,’ he said.
‘These toilets were a regular
meeting place for homosexuals and young male prostitutes after dark.’
On a number of occasions
police officers had detained Cyril Smith after he was caught ‘in acts of gross
indecency with young lads’ at these toilets.
On each occasion, they’d been
told by those higher up the chain of command to discontinue their inquiries due
to the status of the individual concerned.
How many times had Cyril Smith
been arrested or pulled in by police only to be released as soon as the phone
call from high office was made?
I wondered if he actually got
a thrill out of being caught — knowing they couldn’t pin anything on him
because he was a protected man.
In other words, the leader of
the local Liberal Party was threatening the police. Notes from Detective
Sergeant Leach underneath this account acknowledge as much.
‘The veiled threats and
innuendoes contained therein,’ he remarks, ‘reflect Howarth’s general attitude
to this inquiry.’
I’d already known that Cyril
was leaning hard on the police, but I didn’t know that the local Liberal Party
was doing the same. What ‘unfortunate repercussions’ for the police could
Howarth possibly have had in mind as he tried to bully them into dropping their
investigation?
Reading on, it quickly becomes
apparent that Leach has doubts about Rochdale police. Referring to evidence of
Cyril’s abuse given by the council’s children’s officer, Lyndon Price, Leach
casts doubt on whether Rochdale’s Chief Constable Patrick Ross ever acted on
it.
‘It is quite feasible,’ he
notes, ‘that Mr Ross would keep it to himself because of the status of the man
involved.’
The files also offered clues
to the defence that Cyril was prepared to give if the matter went to court.
Under questioning, he tried to claim he was in loco parentis where the boys
abused at local schools and hostels were concerned.
They were on his property, and
in all matters medical and relating to general discipline, Cyril claimed the
boys had signed off legal responsibility for him to care for them. In other
words, he could do whatever he wanted.
Detective Inspector Leach knew
only too well that no court in the land would buy this.
‘In my opinion,’ he wrote, ‘it
is without merit. It will not withstand even superficial examination.’
Concluding, Leach seemed
confident of a prosecution. Under questioning, Cyril ‘had difficulty articulating,
and even the stock answers he offered could only be obtained after repeated
promptings by his solicitor’.
Unfortunately, the Director of
Public Prosecutions did not share the same confidence.
In a letter to Lancashire
Police in 1970, DPP Sir Norman Skelhorn said he did not consider there to be a
reasonable prospect of a conviction. Referring to the statements by Cyril’s
victims, he said: ‘The characters of some of these young men would be likely to
render their evidence suspect.’
It may as well have said that
as long as a high-profile politician decides to abuse boys of lowly social
status, then there is zero chance of him being prosecuted. It more or less
outlined a code of conduct for abusers. Stick to vulnerable people from broken
homes and the law will give you a wide berth.
The injustice contained in
these words is as strong now as it was then. It was a loophole so huge that
even someone as gargantuan as Cyril could skip through.
extracted from
Smile For The Camera: The Double Life Of Cyril Smith by Simon Danczuk and
Matthew Baker, to be published tomorrow by Biteback, £16.99. © 2014 Simon
Danczuk and Matthew Baker. To order a copy for £14.99 (incl p&p) call
0844 472 4157.
The people
behind Smith use and abuse the criminal Justice System with
impunity. They can protect criminals from prosecution and
promote corrupt insiders who do their bidding, Knighthoods,
elevation from humble barrister to Queens Council and on to Judge
all in their gift. Lucrative Government contracts, sitting on Public Inquiries,
quangos.
Expose them or
threaten them and they will murder, discredit, set-up, prosecute
and threw whistle blowers and victims in jail. The Criminal Justice system
is now just a tool for a few rich, powerful and corrupt people to oppress
and terrorize those they consider beneath them
Brilliant article ...thanks great read, disgusting man and system when will it end.
ReplyDeleteThank you JB. We have the power to expose the cover-up and brake their evil system.
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